EVANGELIO DE BARNABAS PDF

Des Weiteren ist ein spanisches Manuskript aus dem Der Papst habe jedoch ein Exemplar in seiner Privatbibliothek gerettet, wo es aufbewahrt worden sei, bis es am Ende des Nach einer weiteren Legende aus dem Jahrhundert stammt ein Manuskript von Barnabas selbst.

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Textual history[ edit ] John Toland gave a detailed description of the manuscript The earliest reference to a Barnabas gospel, which is generally agreed to correspond with the one found in the two known manuscripts, is in Morisco manuscript BNM MS in Madrid , written about by Ibrahim al-Taybili in Tunisia.

The first published account of the Gospel was in , when a brief reference to the Spanish text is found in De religione Mohamedica by Adriaan Reland ; [7] and then in , a much more detailed description of the Italian text by the Irish deist John Toland. Of this Gospel the Moriscoes in Africa have a translation in Spanish; and there is in the library of Prince Eugene of Savoy , a manuscript of some antiquity, containing an Italian translation of the same Gospel, made, it is to be supposed, for the use of renegades.

This book appears to be no original forgery of the Muhammadans, though they have no doubt interpolated and altered it since, the better to serve their purpose; and in particular, instead of the Paraclete or Comforter, they have, in this apocryphal gospel, inserted the word Periclyte, that is, the famous or illustrious, by which they pretend their prophet was foretold by name, that being the signification of Muhammad in Arabic; and this they say to justify that passage in the Quran where Jesus Christ is formally asserted to have foretold his coming under his other name Ahmed , which is derived from the same root as Muhammad and of the same import.

However, in his description of the Gospel in the Preliminary Discourse, Sale was relying entirely on second-hand accounts. Subsequent to the preparation of the Preliminary Discourse, Sale was able to borrow the Spanish manuscript itself and had a transcript made.

Earlier occurrences of a Gospel of Barnabas[ edit ] A "Gospel according to Barnabas" is mentioned in two early Christian lists of " Apocrypha " works: the Latin text of Decretum Gelasianum [3] 6th century , as well as a 7th-century Greek List of the Sixty Books.

These lists are independent witnesses. In John Ernest Grabe found an otherwise unreported saying of Jesus, [10] attributed to the Apostle Barnabas , amongst the Greek manuscripts in the Baroccian collection in the Bodleian Library ; which he speculated might be a quotation from this "lost gospel". John Toland translates the quotation as, The Apostle Barnabas says, he gets the worst of it who overcomes in evil contentions; because he thus comes to have the more sin; and claimed to have identified a corresponding phrase when he examined the surviving Italian manuscript of the Gospel of Barnabas in Amsterdam before There is no link between the two books in style, content, or history other than their attribution to Barnabas.

In Amsterdam sometime before , Cramer had lent the manuscript to Toland, who writes that; Mr. Cramer had it out of the library of a person of great name and authority in that said city; who during his life was often heard to put a high value on the piece. Whether as a rarity, or as the model of his religion, I know not. Otherwise, Slomp has proposed that Gregorio Leti — , whose Amsterdam library had been auctioned-off following his death, could be the unnamed former owner of the Italian manuscript.

Leti however, though hostile to the Papacy and Sixtus V in particular was an orthodox Calvinist in religion. The Italian manuscript has pages, of which the Gospel of Barnabas fills pages 43 to , written within red frames in an Islamic style.

The manuscript appears to be unfinished, in that the Prologue and chapters are provided throughout with framed blank spaces for titular headings, but only 28 of these spaces have been filled. This Italian manuscript formed the basis for the most commonly circulated English version, a translation undertaken by Lonsdale and Laura Ragg and published in Otherwise, however, the orthography and punctuation indicates a hand formed in the first half of the 16th century, and in certain key respects is characteristically Venetian.

The underlying dialect however, is Tuscan; and shows a number of characteristic late medieval 14th—15th-century forms. The linguistic experts consulted by the Raggs concluded that the Vienna manuscript was most likely the work of an older Venetian scribe, copying a Tuscan original, and writing in the second half of the 16th century.

Sale says of the lost Spanish manuscript; The book is a moderate quarto.. It contains two hundred and twenty-two chapters of unequal length, and four hundred and twenty pages.

It had been lent to Sale by Dr. George Holme , Rector of Headley in Hampshire from till his death. This manuscript, with an English translation, passed subsequently to Dr. Joseph White who used them for his series of Bampton Lectures in Holme might have come by it; but as Holme had been chaplain to the English factory in Algiers from to , [23] a North African provenance may be inferred.

Sale quotes three passages from the text in Spanish; and a further nine chapters are quoted by White in English translation.

No trace is known of the original Spanish manuscript after Dr. However, an 18th-century copy, derived from the manuscript, was mentioned in a catalogue of the collection of manuscripts of the deceased author Joseph Ames , where it was described as El Evangelio de Barnabas Apostol, transcribed from one in the Possession of Mr.

Calamy , who bought it at the Decease of Mr. Sale , fol. Of that Gospel, the Rev. Jeremiah Jones supposed that there were no fragments extant. He refers to the Italian MS. From another MS. Monkhouse, the Rev. Joseph White, in the notes to his Bampton Lectures , produces a long extract.

Sale, who in his translation of the Koran, notices this Gospel, likewise had a MS. Calamy, who permitted a copy to be taken by Mr. John Nickolls , the portrait collector: on his decease it became the property of Mr. Joseph Ames, author of the History of Printing, and is now in my possession.

Callamy who bought it at the decease of Mr George Sale Fisher Library, University of Sydney. To the left of the image is Fisher North, and to the right is Fisher South. The Spanish text is preceded by a note claiming that it was translated from Italian by Mustafa de Aranda, an Aragonese Muslim resident in Istanbul.

A Morisco letter of around , now in Madrid, confirms de Aranda as an associate of Ibrahim al-Taybili, in whose works is found the earliest reference to the Spanish Gospel. Fra Marino also claims to have been alerted to the existence of the Gospel of Barnabas, from an allusion in a work by Irenaeus against Paul; in a book which had been presented to him by a lady of the Colonna family.

Hence, linguistically, the surviving Spanish text appears later than the surviving Italian text; but this does not necessarily confirm that the underlying Spanish text is secondary. Comparison[ edit ] Aside from the missing 80 chapters, there are differences in the chapter divisions between the Italian and Spanish texts; and also between the Sydney transcript and the Spanish passages quoted by Dr.

White in English. The Italian and Spanish chapters agree for the prologue and up to chapter Chapter in the Italian version is split into Chapters and in the Spanish; and then Chapters and in the Italian correspond with in the Spanish. Chapter , before the lacuna, is common to both; but when the Spanish manuscript resumes, its numbered Chapter corresponds to the numbered Italian Chapter The two versions continue one chapter out of phase for the rest of the book so that the final Chapter in the Sydney transcript corresponds to Chapter in the Italian.

The final Chapter in the Italian is missing from the Spanish text. In the quotations of Joseph White, there is a further difference in that the long Chapter in the Italian text is split, so that Chapter in Dr.

In this context it may be noted that Chapter in the Italian manuscript contains a corrected chapter division, in that the scribe originally split off the final paragraph into the start of Chapter , and then erased and overwrote the division.

This suggests that whatever text the scribe of the Italian manuscript was using as his copy, was unclear as to chapter divisions at this point. Besides the absent final chapter, and the large lacuna already noted; the Spanish text also misses a section of around words from its Chapter Chapter in the Italian and another substantial but shorter section from Chapter Chapter in the Italian. Otherwise there are numerous points where words present in the Italian text and necessary for the sense are not represented in the Spanish translation.

Conversely there are also around a dozen places where the Raggs had speculated that a word or phrase might have been accidentally omitted in their Italian text, and in all these instances, the Spanish text supplies the missing words. Unlike the Italian text, the Spanish text has no Arabic marginal notes or chapter summaries, nor are the Italian titles for the first twenty-seven chapters represented in the Spanish.

There is a title provided in the Spanish text above the Prologue but this differs from that provided above the Prologue in the Italian text. Contrariwise, there is a title provided above Chapter in the Sydney transcript, which is not found either above the corresponding Chapter in the Italian text, nor is quoted at this point by Dr. Other than in their respective copyist errors, there appear to be few substantial differences of meaning between the Spanish and Italian text; but one notable variant is found in the description of the crucifixion of Judas Iscariot in Chapter in the Spanish text in the Italian text.

Jesus Christ has been miraculously abstracted from the action; and Judas, transformed into the likeness of Jesus, is crucified in his place. In the Spanish manuscript, and Dr. These scholars note parallels with a series of Morisco forgeries, the Lead Books of Sacromonte , dating from the s; or otherwise with Morisco reworkings of Christian and Islamic traditions, produced following the expulsion of the Moriscos from Spain. There are, however, other passages where the Spanish reading makes sense, while the Italian does not, and many features of the Italian text that are not found in the Spanish; such as the titles for chapters 1— Joosten argues that this indicates that both the 16th-century Italian and Spanish texts must depend on a lost Italian original, which he, in common with the Raggs, dates substantially to the midth century.

Joosten states: A systematic comparison of the Italian and Spanish texts of the Gospel of Barnabas leads to the conclusion that the Spanish was translated from the Italian at a date somewhat removed from the original. In the mid 16th century many Italian and German anti-Trinitarians, persecuted both by Calvinists and by the Inquisition, sought refuge in Transylvania, [37] whose church had adopted anti-Trinitarian doctrines in , and whose aristocratic houses maintained an Italian-speaking culture.

Michael Fremaux, in support of the hypothesis that the Italian manuscript may have been brought to Amsterdam from Translyvania, instances Symon Budny , Jacob Palaeologus and Christian Francken as late 16th century anti-Trinitrian thinkers with Transylvanian connections, whose religious teachings find close parallels in the Gospel of Barnabas.

Although some found initial refuge in Italy especially Venice , most resettled in the Ottoman Empire , where Spanish speaking Jews established in Istanbul a rich sub-culture with a flourishing Hebrew and Ladino printing industry.

Numbers were further augmented after , following campaigns of persecution by the Venetian Inquisition against Italian anti-Trinitarians and Jews. In the Spanish preface, Fra Marino records his wish that the Gospel of Barnabas should be printed, and the only place in Europe where that would have been possible in the late 16th century would have been Istanbul. The lost Spanish manuscript claimed to have been written in Istanbul, and the surviving Italian manuscript has several Turkish features; [42] so, whether the language of origin was Spanish or Italian, Istanbul is regarded by most researchers as the place of origin of the two known texts.

In particular, they note that the glossing of the Italian version of the shahada into Arabic, does not correspond exactly with the standard ritual formula recited daily by every Muslim. These researchers are inclined to infer from these inconsistencies that both manuscripts may represent an exercise in forensic falsification, and they tend to locate their place of origin as Rome.

Few academics argue that the text, in its present form, dates back any earlier than the 14th—16th centuries; although a minority see it as containing portions of an earlier work, and almost all would detect the influence of earlier sources—over and above the Vulgate text of the Latin Bible. Those researchers who regard these particular themes as primitive, nevertheless do not generally dispute that other parts of the Gospel may be late and anachronistic; while those researchers who reject the authenticity of these particular themes do not generally dispute that other parts of the Gospel could be transmitting variant readings from antiquity.

Analysis[ edit ] This work clearly contradicts the New Testament biblical accounts of Jesus and his ministry but has strong parallels with the Islamic faith, not only mentioning Muhammad by name, but including the shahadah chapter It is strongly anti- Pauline and anti- Trinitarian in tone. In this work, Jesus is described as a prophet and not the son of God , [47] while Paul is called "the deceived.

These beliefs—in particular, that Jesus is a prophet of God and raised alive without being crucified—conform to or resemble Islamic teachings which say that Jesus is a major prophet who did not die on the cross but was taken alive by angels to God. If the Gospel of Barnabas is seen as an attempted synthesis of elements from both Christianity and Islam, then 16th- and 17th-century parallels can be suggested in Morisco and anti-Trinitarian writings.

Islamic and anti-Trinitarian views[ edit ] The Gospel of Barnabas was little known outside academic circles until recent times, when a number of Muslims have taken to publishing it to argue against the orthodox Christian conception of Jesus. They slew him not nor crucified, but it appeared so unto them; and lo!

Allah is ever Mighty, wise. It also foretells the coming of Muhammad by name and it calls Jesus a "prophet" whose mission was restricted to the "house of Israel ". Instead it states that all those condemned at the last judgement , but who subsequently respond in faith, who demonstrate unfeigned penitence, and who make a free choice of blessedness, will eventually be offered salvation Chapter Such radically Pelagian beliefs in the 16th century were found amongst the anti-Trinitarian Protestant traditions later denoted as Unitarianism.

Some 16th-century anti-Trinitarian divines sought to reconcile Christianity, Islam and Judaism; on the basis of very similar arguments to those presented in the Gospel of Barnabas, arguing that if salvation remains unresolved until the end times, then any one of the three religions could be a valid path to heaven for their own believers.

The Spaniard, Michael Servetus denounced the orthodox Christian formulation of the Trinity alleging the only explicit reference to the Trinity in the New Testament to be a later interpolation ; and hoped thereby to bridge the doctrinal divide between Christianity and Islam. In he was executed in Geneva under the authority of John Calvin , but his teachings remained very influential amongst Italian Protestant exiles.

Included in chapter is "The little book of Elijah "; [54] which sets out instructions for a righteous life of asceticism and hermitic spirituality.

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Gospel of Barnabas

Fenrigar The Spanish manuscript is now lostits text surviving only in a partial 18th-century transcript. The Gospel of Barnabas. This work clearly contradicts the New Testament biblical accounts of Jesus and his ministry but has strong parallels with the Islamic faith, not only mentioning Muhammad by name, but including the shahadah chapter Ragg, Lonsdale and Laura Ragg. Unlike the Italian text, the Spanish text has no Arabic marginal notes or chapter summaries, nor are the Italian titles for the first twenty-seven chapters represented in the Spanish. Allah is ever Mighty, wise. And having said this, Jesus smote his evangellio with both his hands, and then smote the ground with his head. Some researchers consider that the ensuing 14th—16th-century controversies can be found reflected in the text of the Gospel of Barnabas.

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